Dr. Tim “Asad” Anderson: the abuse of academia to spread out propaganda

SYRIA-CONFLICT-AUSTRALIA

 

Part I

 

My name is Andrea Glioti, I’m the journalist who intervened at Dr. Tim Anderson’s talk at Sydney UNI “Why I went to Syria” on March 6 (2014), an event promoting a blatant apology of the Syrian regime under the pretext of “counter-information”. A professor of political economy, Tim Anderson (https://www.facebook.com/timand2037?fref=ts) has been part of a delegation led by the Wikileaks Party and the Asadist activist group “Hands Off Syria”, which paid its homage to the Syrian regime during a visit of solidarity in December 2013. This is a response to some of the absurdities I heard about the Syrian conflict and, apart from the single case of Anderson, it addresses several points continuously raised by the so-called “anti-imperialist left”. It would be actually fair to rename this ideological stubbornness on Syria as a Stalinist-Soviet approach, if we were between the 1950s the 1960s, Anderson and his likes would be probably denying the Hungarian and Czech revolts ever took place. If we were in the Spanish Civil War, they would probably defend the Soviet decision to crush the anarchists. As long as a government sits in the anti-American camp (no matter the hypocrisy of Syrian foreign policies in this regard), it doesn’t really matter if it tortures leftists in its own prisons. Dr Anderson and his likes claim to hold the truth on what’s going on in Syria, this truth could be sum up in a Western-backed plot denying any sort of agency to the Syrians who took the streets in 2011. In their eyes, they’re only puppets, they would have never risen up after more 40 years of authoritarianism , they needed the Zionist-Salafi-American trust to give them a green light.
I’m an Arabic speaking Middle Eastern politics graduate, who has been covering Syria from inside the country for 10 months between 2011 and 2013 and I spent the rest of the time between Turkey and Lebanon, mainly in the border regions, where most of the Syrian refugees are located. I’ve worked with a wide range of media including “corporate” and “leftist” magazines (The New Internationalist, the German TAZ, the Swiss-German WOZ fall in the second category), being a freelancer, therefore I don’t even fit into the category of mainstream corporate media. Having said this, the sources Dr Anderson relied upon during his presentation could hardly be considered “independent” sources of information, despite his efforts to present them as such: Russia Today, in the words of Putin, reflects the views of the Kremlin, just like the Lebanese daily Al-Akhbar reflects the views of the pro-Syrian (regime) 8 March coalition. Among the sources quoted there was also Mother Agnès de la Croix, a Palestinian-Lebanese nun closely related to the Asad regime (http://pulsemedia.org/2012/08/21/dead-journalists-and-sister-agnes-mariam/) and the French far-right (http://vicinoriente.wordpress.com/2012/05/20/la-monaca-di-assad/). Anderson’s talk was covered by the Iranian Press TV: if the station’s anti-US biases were combined with a minimum degree of professionalism, then my intervention wouldn’t have been censored, after I raised several critical points Anderson intentionally ignored.
Notwithstanding the political biases of Western and Gulf media [the focus on Syria in contrast with how Bahrain has been overlooked and the role played by certain American media in advocating war on Iraq in 2003, despite the lack of any evidence on its chemical arsenal, just to quote two examples], the solution is not to take at face value the version of events provided by pro-Syrian regime sources to come up with a credible alternative narrative. Journalism is about verifying facts, a strong ground-driven knowledge of the context you’re talking about, a reliable network of local contacts and, ideally, some fluency in the local language (Arabic): all these aspects were totally absent in Dr Anderson’s conference.

While retaining the right to be skeptical about the Western media’s coverage of Syria, everyone should bear in mind that the main reason of the conflicting news reports coming from this country is the restrictive context journalists are forced to operate in: while based in Damascus in 2011, I had to pretend being a student to avoid being monitored 24/h by security forces, my Brazilian colleague Germano Assad has been detained in confinement for five days under the only accusation of being a journalist. I have been denied access to Syria in 2012 and told I was not welcome there anymore on the grounds of the interviews I conducted with local political dissidents. I’m sure this was the reason, because of the content of the questions posed to my colleague Assad under interrogation. This is just an idea of what you have to endure as a Western journalist, if you’re not there on an official parade organized through government press visas. It goes without saying that Syrian journalists “enjoy” a much worse treatment: one of my personal acquaintances had to leave Syria recently, after having been tortured and put on trial for “working without a license” and “spreading lies”. Let us not forget WHY it is so difficult to work in Syria and inform about the ongoing events.

Going back to Anderson’s talk, first of all, you don’t claim to show support for one “nation”, if you only sat for pastries with Asad, that’s not showing solidarity with the “Syrian people”, that’s an official delegation voicing its support for a Government.
During my stay in Syria I had the chance to walk around without any escort, both in Damascus in 2011 and in the province of Hasakah in 2013: this clearly makes the difference from an official visit to Damascus (actually, to a certain extent, it makes the difference even in comparison to some other journalists, who have only been escorted into Syria by rebel brigades). As a matter of fact, Anderson didn’t meet with anyone from the opposition, neither from the armed factions nor from the civil peaceful movements (and there are lots of peaceful activists still active in Syria… http://www.syriauntold.com/en) .

There was a lot of talk on US imperialism and Zionism: could Anderson provide any actual evidence that the US have been willing to overthrow Asad? All the red lines have been crossed (including the use of chemical weapons), three years have passed and I haven’t seen any intervention. If they really wanted, they could have done it much earlier. This picture of Asad as a staunch anti-American also stands in contradiction with the rapprochement between Washington and Damascus in 2010, marked by the appointment of ambassador Robert Ford. The position of the US on the Syrian events has been largely stumbling, due also to the fact that they didn’t receive any green light from the Israelis. Did Anderson bother to listen to Rami Makhluf- Bashar al-Asad’s cousin and one of the most influential business figures in Syria- when the revolt started in 2011? He said clearly that the Israeli security was dependent on the permanence of the Asad regime.
If you brand the Asad regime as an anti-Zionist vanguard, then you probably disregard some historical facts: no offensive was launched against Israel since the October war in 1973; Hafez al-Asad’s Syria was willing to reach a peace agreement with the Israelis in 2000, on condition of the return of the occupied Golan Heights and a renewed access to the Sea of Galilee, hence a pragmatic approach concerned about national sovereignty rather than the Palestinian cause; Palestinians were slaughtered by far-right Lebanese Christian militias in cooperation with Syrian troops in the massacre of Tel Zaatar during the Lebanese civil war; the PLO has been at odds with the Syrian regime for a long time, since the latter was not willing to jeopardize its national interests for the sake of the Palestinian cause (See what the socialists have to say about this http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2000/06/assa-j16.html). I would also suggest Anderson and his likes read more on the so-called Red Line agreement between Israel and Syria during the Lebanese civil war, a deal brokered by Kissinger to share regions of influence (http://www.merip.org/mer/mer236/syria-lebanon-brotherhood-transformed#_5_).
The Israeli officials maintained an extremely low profile position on Syria during the events and why on earth should they have pushed for the removal of Asad, if he kept the Syrian-Israeli border quiet for forty years? They look more worried about a new unknown diverse galaxy of rebel groups controlling the border, whereas they know exactly what to expect from Asad. Have a look at what Noam Chomsky had to say about the Israeli stance on Syria (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MQeGHoiPj4&feature=youtu.be Is he too part of the corporate media?): he clearly points at the fact that, if the Israelis wanted to support the opposition, they could have just opened another front on the Golan. Such a move would have weakened the Syrian army by opening a new front in the South: a much less costly option to support the armed opposition than an open scale offensive on Damascus. But nothing like this happened and Anderson still define it as a regime from the “Resistance” axis.

Until now, the Syrian regime is enforcing a devastating siege on the Yarmuk Palestinian refugee camp, because part of its inhabitants joined the rows of the opposition. I have been collecting evidence of the first anti-regime demonstrations in Yarmuk on my blog since June 2011 (in Italian https://mabisir.wordpress.com/2011/06/28/2-blogging-five-months-of-revolution-inside-syria-5-6-june-2011-golan-to-yarmuk-palestinians-joining-the-syrian-uprising/), when Palestinian protesters were shot at for chanting against the exploitation of the Naksa day at the hands of Ahmad Jibril’s PFLP-GC: in that case, the demonstrators voiced their indignation, after several residents of the camp were literally “thrown” in front of the Israeli rifles at the border in order to divert the attention from the Syrian uprising. Khaled Bakrawi, a Palestinian activist from Yarmuk, was killed under torture in the Syrian prisons in September 2013: he took part in the Naksa march and was outspoken about the way the Syrian regime had exploited the fervor of the Palestinian youth, despite having been himself wounded by the Israelis at the border (http://budourhassan.wordpress.com/2013/09/15/death-under-torture-in-syria-the-horrors-ignored-by-pacifists/).
I personally know several Palestinian leftist dissidents unknown to the media who had to leave Syria or ended up in its jails, but I cannot name them, as it might affect their upcoming trials or their return to Syria in the future. One of the most famous ones, Salameh Kaileh, a marxist Palestinian (http://links.org.au/node/2841), had to flee to Jordan after having been arrested and detained in 2012. Was he an Islamist too? Perhaps a Zionist?
Has Anderson ever read how the Palestinian anarchist Budour Hassan has totally debunked the claims of those who portrait Damascus as a champion of the Palestinian cause (http://budourhassan.wordpress.com/2012/07/22/analysis-the-myth-of-palestinian-neutrality-in-syria/)? What about the experience of Omar ‘Aziz, a Syrian anarchist who returned to his country upon the outbreak of the uprising to help organizing the first local revolutionary committees in Barzeh, which are considered “some of the most promising and lasting examples of non-hierarchical self organization” (http://tahriricn.wordpress.com/2013/08/23/syria-the-life-and-work-of-anarchist-omar-aziz-and-his-impact-on-self-organization-in-the-syrian-revolution/)? He died because of a heart attack in February 2013, after having been detained for three months in the Adra prison. During his talk, Anderson mentioned a visit to Adra, blaming the “radical Islamists” for the constant shelling, but I doubt he ever asked about whom is detained in the local prison, didn’t he?

A comparison with Afghanistan and its pre-Taliban empowerment of rural classes was made in the introduction and Anderson repeatedly labeled the Syrian regime a “socially inclusive” Government. This means he didn’t even bother to check the map of the areas controlled by the opposition: basically a wide portion of the countryside is in the hands of the rebels. Why? Because the uprising was more popular among the rural outcasts, namely those who have been impoverished by Bashar al-Asad’s shift towards neoliberalism and those who have been always marginalized under the Ba’th, like the Kurds living in the Northern countryside (See another Syrian socialist perspective on the “inclusiveness” of the regime’s economic policies http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3380). Although it wouldn’t be objective to argue that the social gap in Syria was as wide as the Egyptian one, for example, the Syrian case is remote from “social inclusiveness”, it looks more like an economy controlled by a gang of affiliates and tycoons like Rami Makhluf, who are the antithesis of social justice.
Anderson depicted the uprising in Aleppo as led by religious fundamentalists, but he didn’t mention at all that a vast segment of the urban classes who sided with the regime are actually part of the Syrian bourgeoisie, epitomized by Aleppo’s traders. Did the so-called “anti-imperialist left” embrace a moral struggle to defend the urban upper classes against peasants, on the basis of the length of the beards of some of these peasants, who are homogeneously branded as “Islamists”? In July 2011, I visited a group of metalworkers in their workshop in Qadam (Southern Damascus), they were all taking part to the protests, one of them was a Syrian in his twenties with a degree in computer science he was never able to use: his father passed away and he had to seal shawarma machines to cover the expenses of his young brother living with him. This young graduate was also a hip hop singer from the group Refugees of Rap and we recorded a track together called “The Age of Silence” (Zaman as-Samt) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=umQ3xGj4E2Y), which deals with the drive behind the protests. Is the “anti-imperialist left” supposed to empathize with the demands of this kind of marginalized urban youth or to side with the ruling classes?

Was the regime “socially inclusive” towards 2 to 4 million Kurds, who are mostly secular minded? Not at all. In 2013, I’ve spent five months in the province of Hasakah, a region affected by chronic poverty, despite its natural resources. The history written by the Ba’th is made up of racist Arab settlement policies confiscating wide shares of Kurdish lands in Hasakah (the so-called al-Hizam al-Arabi, the Arab Belt policy). The regime has also abided by a census conducted in 1962, who stripped off the Syrian citizenship thousands of Syrian Kurds. Even though the Kurdish regions are rich of oil, all the refineries were built in Homs and Banyas to impede the economic empowerment of rural peripheries.
During Anderson’s talk, I heard him praising “elections” and “pluralism” under the Ba’th and I confront this with the story of one of my close acquaintances in Hasakah, whose nails have been removed under torture on the grounds of its affiliation to the Yekiti Kurdi Parti. Is this the pluralism he’s talking about? Or is this pluralism about the Minister of Reconciliation Ali Haidar, the secretary general of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), that Anderson mentioned in the ridiculous attempt to provide evidence that other political forces are tolerated inside the Ba’thist government? Is Anderson aware that from 2005 until 2012, despite the dissident history of Antoun Saadeh’s party, its Damascene branch has been part of the National Progressive Front established by the Ba’th to create an umbrella of loyal parties behind the facade of pluralism? Is he aware that Ali Haidar has recently endorsed the candidacy of Bashar al-Asad for the upcoming presidential elections? I personally know some SSNP members, who quit the party, after they realized to which extent it had become involved in the recruitment of pro-government militias (shabbiha) in 2011.

As I said during my intervention at the talk, I attended several demonstrations both in Damascus and in the suburbs of the capital in 2011: I heard no sectarian slogans, saw children and women taking part to the uprising and witnessed live fire opened on demonstrators by security forces. Peaceful protesters were even beaten up in front of my eyes as soon as July 2011 in the Old City (in Italian https://mabisir.wordpress.com/2011/07/27/6-blogging-five-months-of-revolution-inside-syria-in-italiano-proteste-nel-centro-di-damasco-se-rimaniamo-fino-a-domattina-saremo-mezzo-milione-27-luglio-2011/), in the center of Damascus. My colleague Germano Assad has been prevented by government supporters from filming this demonstration, he had to escape after they started shouting at him: “This is not Syria!”. This is just an example of the state of denial some regime supporters live in, when it comes to recognizing the occurrence of peaceful protests: one of the attendants of Anderson’s talk, a Syrian who claimed to have lived in the Old City, insisted he never saw any protest in that part of Damascus. The aim is to deny protests ever took place, then to deny massacres occurred (as this was what Anderson’s conference was all about): it reminds me of the attitude of Holocaust’s deniers, or that of those Lebanese Phalangists who assert their party never slaughtered Palestinians in Sabra and Shatila. No matter the extent of evidence and accounts you gather, they will keep denying. In the end, their angle of view is identical to the one adopted by the Syrian State television: I remember very well the cameramen of al-Ikhbariyya filming the empty streets of Barzeh (Damascus) patrolled by security forces, while they were perfectly aware that a demonstration was going on a few blocks away.

I used to know personally one of the peaceful protesters who were chased by regime supporters in that occasion in the Old City: he died in 2013, after taking up weapons to fight the regime in Aleppo. Should we consider him as a terrorist as well? On which moral ground are we denying protesters the right to take up arms? One of the points raised during Anderson’s talk was that protesters were indeed armed since the beginning of the revolt. This was definitely the case in some regions, like Idlib, where demonstrators from Jisr ash-Shughur took up weapons to defend themselves as early as June 2011: I wrote about it and I criticized the way some Western media denied the presence of armed elements (http://www.majalla.com/eng/2012/04/article55230561), but I don’t understand why Syrians should be condemned for having resorted to violence against a brutal security apparatus.

 

Part II

 

The main argument used by Anderson to advocate support for the Syrian regime was the stereotypical juxtaposition between an allegedly secular government and a radical Islamist opposition. When I stressed the genuine roots of the Syrian uprising, the only answer Anderson could provide was: “Well, I don’t deny there have been mistakes committed by the police (what a nice euphemism for forty years of “mistakes”), but could you name one secular/non Islamist brigade in the opposition?” The premise of such response is that, as long as they’re Islamists, it’s perfectly fine to kill them. Islamists have been on the Middle Eastern “stage” for almost one century, they’re still there despite what happened in Hama, but Anderson (and numerous other Islamophobic “analysts”) still perceive them as a cancer implanted by Western agendas to be uprooted with violence. I wonder whether Anderson has ever argued the same about Hamas and Hezbollah on their resistance against Israel, weren’t they to be condemned on the grounds of being Islamist forces? If the West was to keep looking at Hezbollah through the lens of its original plan for the establishment of an Islamic republic in Lebanon and the abductions of foreign civilians carried out in the ’80s by the party’s first embryos, no one would have imagined to see the Shi’a militia accepting its current role in the Lebanese electoral system. The same goes for the recent prospects for US negotiations with the Talibans in Afghanistan, which were completely unforeseeable after 9-11. Then, why are we to rule out the possibility that some of the jihadist groups fighting in Syria today might change their position and accept to engage in parliamentarian politics later on?
What about the Iraqi resistance under American occupation? Has Anderson paid attention to the fact that most of the insurgents were actually jihadists and many of them are currently fighting against the Syrian regime? Are they to be considered “fallen heroes of anti-imperialists” suddenly turned into “NATO-backed mercenaries”, even though nothing changed in their ideological background?

Furthermore, Anderson made no reference whatsoever to what has been written on the ties between Damascus and a wide range of Islamist Sunni militant groups previously active in Lebanon and Iraq, now fighting on the side of the Syrian opposition, including Fatah al-Islam (http://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/214642_analysis-for-edit-syria-throws-fatah-al-islam-under-the-bus-.html) and Ghuraba’ ash-Sham (http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/radicals-are-assads-best-friends). It was also completely omitted the fact that the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS), the militia responsible of the worst atrocities committed in Syria in the name of jihadism, has actually spent more time fighting other rebel factions than the regime and its headquarters are rarely targeted by air raids. There has been plenty of accusations from different political and military factions with regards to the ties between Damascus and ISIS ( https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=508278592619820&set=a.473931262721220.1073741828.473917376055942&type=1&theater, https://twitter.com/JadBantha/status/421263028978343936/photo/1, http://hawarnews.com/index.php/component/content/article/43-2013-02-24-21-16-12/7835-2013-11-13-12-04-59, http://claysbeach.blogspot.com.au/2014/01/bashar-al-jihad-is-isis-child-of-regime.html), whose rise perfectly suits the Syrian State media’s relentless efforts to portray the uprising as an Islamist one since its early phases. During my stay in Syria in 2013, I gathered local witness accounts on Ahmad Muhammad “Abu Rami”, the former Syrian military intelligence chief in Rmaylan (North-Eastern Syria), who allegedly joined the rows of the al-qa’idist Jabhat an-Nusra in November 2012. I also spoke with a former Syrian security official in Ras al-‘Ayn, who confirmed me how easily certain rebel brigades were infiltrated by figures known for their ties with the regime.
In addition to this, Anderson failed to mention how the regime granted amnesty to some of the top-leaders of the Islamist opposition back in May 2011 (including for example the Islamic Army’s Zahran ‘Allush), a few months after the outbreak of the uprising, in a move which could hardly be seen as “coincidental”, as it contributed to the sectarian drift of the revolt.

This is not meant to say that the Syrian regime and the Islamist hardliners share the same agenda and the latter ones do not aim at overthrowing the government; it also remains challenging to evaluate the truthfulness of certain reports, even when they’re built on intelligence sources, but we should bear in mind that they are often as credible as the reports putting the blame exclusively on the Gulf for the rise of radical Sunni groups. What is unquestionable, in my opinion, is the completely misleading portrait of Damascus as a champion in the struggle against Islamism in the light of its historical connections with Islamist networks.
These historical connections include the Syrian support for Hamas, Hizbullah, the Amal Movement (a group established with the explicit purpose to crush Lebanese communists), the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and several other Islamist groups. If the Syrian regime was a promoter of secularism in the region, then it should have restricted its support to secular anti-Zionist militant groups. If the Syrian regime were secular, then it shouldn’t allow Lebanese and Iraqi Shi’a militants to fight on its side against Sunnis, or did Islamism suddenly become an exclusively Sunni phenomenon? If the Syrian regime were secular, it wouldn’t have supported the ethnic “cleansing” (tathir, in the words recorded on video of one of the perpetrators, https://now.mmedia.me/lb/en/nownews/pro-regime-militant-speaks-of-cleansing-banias) of Sunnis in Bayda and Baniyas in May 2013. If the Syrian regime were secular, the Constitution wouldn’t prevent a Christian from becoming the president of the republic until now just like it wouldn’t state that “Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is a fundamental source of legislation.” (http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/syria/syria_draft_constitution_2012.htm). If the Syrian regime were secular, Alawis wouldn’t dominate the intelligence branches to the extent that their coastal dialect is mocked in every single joke on the security forces.
Having said that, I honestly don’t understand the point of defending a regime on the ground of its alleged secularism, if we take a look at how history is rich of examples of authoritarian secular rule such as the Reign of Terror in post-revolutionary France, Kemalist Turkey and the Soviet Union.

Another aspect of the rise of Islamist factions in the opposition Anderson and his likes fail to grasp is where “money and guns” come from or, to put it clearly, they know where they come from, but they consider this an outcome of the Islamist ideology of all the insurgents. They seem to ignore the reality of those fighters who had to turn to an outward version of Islamism to catalyse financial and military support: this was the case of the Farouq Brigades from Homs, that quickly became the equivalent of a franchise capable of attracting Qatari funds and, for this reason, it started to attract a wide range of groups under its name (http://www.arab-reform.net/sites/default/files/empowering%20the%20democratic%20resistance.pdf). This didn’t mean there was an Islamist unified vision among all the groups gathered under the Farouq brand, whose Islamist outlook might well have been as pragmatic as the Salafi-looking beard grown by the Farouq’s young commander Abdul-Razzaq Tlass, upon his rise to fame. During Anderson’s talk, when I mentioned the Farouq Brigades as an example of a non-Islamist group, I probably failed to make clear that this was not meant to claim that they are secular, but that their Islamist facade has been pragmatically motivated rather than related to an uncompromising commitment to the establishment of an Islamic state. It is the same pragmatism which led Hezbollah to accept funds from Qatar – a State with whom the party could hardly share any political and religious identity – for the reconstruction of war-ravaged Lebanon following the Israeli aggression in 2006. It is the same pragmatism which saw Hamas, on the other hand, receiving Iranian funds, regardless of their political and religious affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood.
As the Syrian conflict kept growing in intensity, securing funds became a crucial factor behind the mushrooming of Islamist hardline factions, in comparison with the initial “low cost” peaceful phase almost void of sectarian drifts. In 2013, I spoke with a Syrian journalist who visited the Eastern Ghuta (Damascus) between March and April and he reported to me how Free Syrian Army soldiers had a daily limit of around 30 bullets (the figure might be higher, but the point was that their ammunition was limited), whereas the Islamic Front could count on unlimited ammunition. This obviously led to an increased number of fighters joining the ranks of the Islamist factions. In June 2013, I travelled towards al-Hul (Southern al-Hasakah) on a truck driven by a Kurdish rebel fighting on the side of ISIS and Ahrar ash-Sham: he kept joking about his beard and how he had to grow it to be accepted among jihadists, while promising to go back drinking arak as soon as the war was over. The umpteenth confirmation of how pragmatism was often a priority at the expense of the ideological drive.

As a matter of fact, there are few groups with a distinct leftist stance within the rows of the opposition: one of these exceptions are the recently formed Factions of the People’s Liberation (Fasa’il Taharrur ash-Sha’b https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=sR5wcCzLyzo), set up in Duma in March 2014. These groups saw the light in the explicit attempt to counter both the regime and the most obscurantist forces of the opposition, but their capabilities are clearly limited due to lack of funds.
Anderson thinks he can wave the banner of anti-imperialism from the pulpit of his lectures in Australia, but he doesn’t seem to care about the fate of those real Syrian anti-imperialists, who are perishing on the ground without receiving a single cent from the Gulf monarchies. It would have been enough to use the funds wasted on the Wikileaks delegation’s trip to Damascus to relief the budget of the Factions of the People’s Liberation, if the aim was to support popular resistance, but Anderson’s farce is more about “copy pasting” Hugo Chavez’s quotes on Asad to feel the revolutionary vibes on Facebook.

Another paradox of Anderson’s unconditional support for secularism against Islamism is that he resorts to the good-for-all-purposes scaremonger of Christian persecutions to back the Asad regime, so that when I mentioned the Farouq Brigades, I got reminded the way “they expelled Christians from their neighbourhoods in Homs”. First of all, to argue that Christians were evicted on the basis of their faith and not as a result of the conflict is an assumption even contested by Catholic sources (www.catholicculture.org/news/headlines/index.cfm?storyid=13804). Secondly, Anderson and other “minorities-obsessed” scholars take for granted that Christians are always persecuted because of their religion, while dismissing the possibility for some of them to have been targeted as collaborators of the regime or because of their affluence (for example, the wealth of some urbanized Syriacs was behind their kidnappings in Hasakah and Qamishli in 2013): the implicit premise to this discourse is that Christians are all innocent, they never took sides (not a single word is spent on the loyalist stance of most Syrian clerical institutions throughout the uprising) and they are suddenly in need of Western assistance to escape Islamic zealots. When the idea that Middle Eastern Christians are in need of protection was part of the French Mandate’s search for legitimacy, it was despised by “anti-imperialists” as colonialist propaganda, whereas now it is at the core of the concerns they happen to share with pro-Asad Western fascist and Catholic circles (with whom they also share sources like Mother Agnès de la Croix). As the French scholar Thomas Pierret wrote on his Facebook page, after the hypocritical indignation aroused by the displacement of Armenians from Kassab at the hands of Syrian rebels among the same people who turn a blind eye on the regime’s daily use of barrel bombs on the neighbourhoods of Aleppo controlled by the opposition, “whoever cares more for an Armenian from Kassab than for a Sunni from eastern Aleppo is a racist”.

During his visit to Syria, Anderson claims he had the chance to witness the coexistence between Christians and Muslims under the shelter of the regime, thus envisaging a future of religious persecutions, if the opposition will ever take over the country. First of all, this is a distortion of Syrian history, where there is absolutely nothing proving a higher rate of anti-Christian violence before the Ba’thist coup in 1963. Anderson went on specifying that most of the rebels are actually foreigners, an allegation common among Asadists returning from government-sponsored tours of Syria, where they never met with one single opposition fighter, just like Anderson did. I personally met with combatants from a wide range of anti-government factions in Lebanon, Turkey and Syria, and the overwhelming majority of them were Syrians, including the hardliners from Ahrar ash-Sham , Ghuraba’ ash-Sham and Ansar ash-Shari’a. Most foreigners fight within the rows of ISIS and they advocate a brutal form of Islamic autocracy Syrians are unfamiliar with: when the militants of this group vandalized a church in Raqqa, its Syrian residents took the streets to protest against religious intolerance, but they didn’t certainly call for the return of the regime. Of course, all of this was not mentioned in Anderson’s talk, where the message needed to remain “foreign Islamists make up most of the opposition and they pose a threat to the Ba’thist religious tolerance.” This was actually the same message conveyed by a Syrian woman who stood up to intervene during Anderson’s talk, when she accused the opposition of organizing protests from inside the mosques, thus suggesting the movement was already an Islamist one since its outbreak. As usual, it went completely ignored the fact that mosques were used by all protesters, regardless of their political and religious beliefs, because of the ban on unauthorized public gatherings. Over these years I spent covering the Syrian uprising, I never met someone who obtained a government license to organize a rally against the regime.

During the conference, there was also room for some racist remarks on the Bedouin roots of the Gulf sponsors of the opposition, as Anderson reported, laughing at the comments of a Syrian government official on their status of camel riders/shepherds (I cannot recall the exact words, but it was definitely a stereotypical racist joke on Arab Gulf tribes). As if it wasn’t enough to resort to Islamophobia under the guise of secularism and religious tolerance, Anderson turned to blanketing the (Sunni) Arab tribes as a bunch of rural barbarians, probably ignoring the fact that millions of Syrians are clan members with kinship links in Gulf countries.

Lastly, Anderson attempted to prove Syria never witnessed an uprising by asserting that “no revolution has ever targeted schools and hospitals and prevented kids from education.” Such assertion implies the absurd claim that the government forces have never targeted schools and hospitals. In addition to this, Anderson ignores all the initiatives launched in opposition-held areas to support education, civil society and local projects, despite the continuous bloodshed (http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/04/education-aleppo-syria-war.html?utm_source=Al-Monitor+Newsletter+%5BEnglish%5D&utm_campaign=23ea4fcada-January_9_20141_8_2014&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_28264b27a0-23ea4fcada-93102377). In 2013, I visited several times the city of Ras al-Ayn (North-Eastern Syria), when it was still under joint Arab-Kurdish control without any presence of the regime: no one told me of kids prevented from going to school and the hospitals and the small clinics were actually struggling to function, thanks to the voluntary efforts of the doctors affiliated to the rebel militias. Unfortunately, most of these armed groups were prioritizing the arms trade over the availability of medicines and I wrote about this issue (https://mabisir.wordpress.com/2013/05/16/free-syrian-army-neglects-health-sector-in-ras-al-ayn-sere-kanye/), but I was also aware that the same hospitals could not be used to heal wounded protesters when they were controlled by the regime. The reality is much more complicated, if you verify it on the ground, but what you get from Anderson is just that the rebels are medieval bogeymen targeting schools and hospitals.

In conclusion, if some of you had the patience to read through all of this, my personal advice is to remain sceptic of those scholars who abuse their academic positions to spread out ideological propaganda on issues they are completely unfamiliar with. If I happen to spend two weeks during a phase of political turmoil in Cuba, a country Anderson is probably more knowledgeable than me about on the basis of his experience, I would remain aware of my ignorance on Cuba and wary about claiming to hold the truth on the unfolding events. I would expect Anderson and his likes to do the same. Thanks.

I also welcome every Syrian who lived through the uprising to express his/her indignation at Anderson’s denial of his/her efforts to depose the current regime.

Advertisements
Categories: Arab Gulf, Israel, Kurdistan, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 10 Comments

Post navigation

10 thoughts on “Dr. Tim “Asad” Anderson: the abuse of academia to spread out propaganda

  1. non hai una versione in italiano di questo?

    • Andrea Glioti

      Grazie dell’interesse innanzitutto, no al momento no, ma posso “fabbricarla”, in effetti sarebbe utile…

  2. Andrea Glioti

    A comment I received on Facebook from the Danish Syria scholar Sune Haugbolle:

    “nice response. What a strange and idiotic “scholar”. I agree mostly with your narrative and analysis, but I also think that things have become a lot more muddled on the ground, in the opposition. The secular resistance continues to exist but it is much weaker and more divided than before. And many revolutionaries that I talk to are having intense debates with each other about the militarisation of the revolution and whether it is even the same revolution now. Owing to the fact that they are outside Syria with little chance of returning.Yassin leaving and his wife and Razan being kidnapped – not by the regime but by “opposition” thugs – was a significant turning point and a sign of the muddled reality now. I don’t have any doubt about whose responsibility this is – it falls squarely on the brutal fascist regime. But it is a muddled reality none the less and we can’t maintain the heroic narrative of a secular peaceful revolution in 2014.”

    May 24, 2014

  3. Andrea Glioti

    Others comment I received on FB, this time from Syrians, with regards to Anderson’s propaganda:

    This is what Ronak Housaine, a Syrian Kurd I met in Damascus in 2011, has to say about Anderson’s propaganda:

    “The Syrian regime uses the Palestinians and the Palestinian cause to “beg for” Arab and international support and the biggest proof of that is what the Asad regime has done in the “Palestinian” Yarmuk refugee camp. The Syrian regime is not a socialist one and it is founded on nepotism, recommendation and lack of transparency. The wealth (of the country) is not distributed in a fair way and this is evident from the poverty which became widespread over the last 20 years. My brother took part in all the peaceful demonstrations and I really trust him. The Syrian regime committed massacres and crimes on an individual and mass scale and it even recognized them like in the case of Hamza al-Khatib, justifying (its actions) under the pretext that he cursed the wives of the army officers. The same goes for the mass massacres committed in several Syrian regions with the excuse that it was targeting terrorists and they (the perpetrators) even took pictures of their actions.”

    النظام السوري يستخدم الفلسطينيين والقضية الفلسطينية “ليشحد” التأييد العربي والدولي وأكبر دليل على ذلك ما حصل في مخيم اليرموك “الفلسطيني” من قبل نظام الاسد. النظام السوري ليس اشتراكيا ويقام على اساس المحسوبية والواسطة وعدم الشفافية ولا توزع فيه الثروات بشكل عادل والدليل على ذلك الفقر الذي بات منتشرا في السنوات العشرين الماضية. كان اخي يشارك في جميع المظاهرات السلمية وانا اثق به جدا. قام النظام السوري بالمجازر والجرائم الفردية والجماعية و”اعترف بها” مثل حمزة الخطيب بحجة انه سب نساء الضباط والمجازر الجاعية في مختلف المناطق
    السورية بحجة انهم ارهابيون وصوروا انفسهم حتى.

    This is the comment of Yassin al-Hajj Saleh, one of the most well-known Syrian (secular) dissident and a former communist militant, who spent 16 years in Asad’s prisons:

    “1. The Syrian regime entered Lebanon in 1976 following the American and Israeli green light and took part in the killing of tens of thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese. It also participated in the international/American war on Iraq in 1990 under the US leadership. It wouldn’t have lasted for 30 years ruling Lebanon, unless by satisfying the Americans and others. When the American contentment came to an end in 2005, it had to withdraw completely from Lebanon. More than two years before the revolution, the relations between the regime and all the regional and international powers were actually improving, the American embassy returned being operative (in Syria) in 2009 and the Saudi King visited Damascus in the summer of 2010, while the relations with Turkey and Qatar were excellent and they were also good with France.

    2. The regime shifted towards economic liberalism according to the neo-con model, even though gradually and step-by-step, especially after 2005 with the aim of acquiring inner Beirut and combining the monopoly over the political power with the control over the keys of the national economy and the public resources. This development type is favourable to the cities at the expenses of the countryside and it privileges the biggest cities over the smallest ones and the city centres over the peripheries, while benefiting those grouped around the regime at the expenses of those slightly remote from it. In 2004 the percentage of Syrians below the poverty line, one dollar per day, was over 11%. In 2007 the percentage has actually increased, with the 37% of Syrians under the -higher- poverty line of 2 dollars per day. 100% of Syrians were under the political poverty line, being deprived of any freedom of expression, association and cooperation even in private premises.

    3. The regime doesn’t protect minorities, it uses them to protected itself. Minorities and majorities are protected by the same things, namely social justice, equality in front of the law and universal freedom. The regime has constantly employed sectarianism as a tool while in power and behind a (current) multilayered national crisis of trust (between Arabs and Kurds the relationships have been clustered between fear on one side and mistrust on the other, and this resembled what happened between Christians and Muslims, Sunnis and Alawis…and these are not eternal features, but rather politically engineered in modern times). In addition to this, the regime propagated a persistent climate of cold war in the country. Is it possible for any minority to be in a good condition, if the majority is under threat and deprived of any protection?

    4. The Asadist regime is not a dictatorial one, it is a system based on political slavery, where the Asad dinasty owns the country and its inhabitants and it deals with them as if they were slaves and it kills they when they rise up in defiance. Hafez al-Asad bequeathed the leadership of the republic to his son after he killed tens of thousands of people in the ’80s and arrested and tortured other tens of thousands. He discriminated the residents according to their sect and he appointed his relatives and the descendants of his sect in the decision-making positions within the security and military apparatus.

    To claim that the opposition committed the massacres and not the regime is an insult to the truth and the victims…and a despicable lie. The United Nations documented the Houla massacre and Human Rights Watch documented the air raids on people queuing for bread in August 2012. It is also clear from the report drafted by UN experts who committed the chemical massacre (in Eastern Ghuta in 2013), even though they didn’t make names. In addition to this, there is no one else apart from the regime dropping explosive barrels and Scud missiles and carrying out air raids. The opposition has no airplanes and the United States, “the friend of the Syrian people”, has repeatedly prevented the opposition not only from importing anti-aircrafts artillery, but also effective anti-tank artillery. The regime doesn’t even oppose the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and the fact that this group takes part in the confrontation against the Free Syrian Army and the least radical Islamist factions makes the regime happy.”

    1- لنظام السوري تدخل في لبنان عام 1976 بصور أخضر أميركي إسرائيلي وقتل وشارك في قتل عشرات ألوف الفلسطينيين واللبنانيين. وشارك في الحرب الأميركية الدولية على العراق عام 1990 تحت قيادة ألأميركيين. وما كان له أن يستمر في حكم لبنان 30 عاما إلا برضا الاميركيين وغيرهم. حين زال الرضا الأميركي عام 2005، انسحب تماماً من لبنان خلال وقت قصير. وقبل الثورة بأكثر من عامين كانت علاقة النظام تتحسن مع كل القوى الإقليمية والدولية، الفسارة الأميركية عادت إلى العمل عام 2009، وملك السعوية زار دمشق في يف 2010، والعلاقات مع تركيا وقطر كانت ممتازة، ومع فرنسا طيبة.
    2- النظام حول نحو لبرلة الاقتصاد وفق النموذج البريالي الجديد، وإن تدريجيا وعلى مراحل، خاصة بعد عام 2005 بهدف الحصول على بيروت داخلية والجمع بين احتكار السلطة السياسية والتحكم بمفاتيح الاقتصاد الوطني والموارد العامة. هذا النمط التنموي محاب للمدن على حساب الأرياف، وللمدن الكبرى على حساب المدن الأصغر، ولمراكز المدن على حساب محطيها، وللملتفين حول النظام على حساب الأبعد قليلا عنه. في عام 2004 كانت نسبة السوريين تحت خط الفقر الأدنى، دولار واحد في اليوم، تبلغ فوق 11%. وفي عام 2007 كانت نسبة من يعيشون تحت خط الفقر الأعلي، دولارين في اليوم، 37% من السكان. و100% من السوريين تحت خط الفقر السياسي، محرومين من التعبير الحر عن آرائهم، ومن التجمع والتعاون حتى في منازل خاصة.
    3- النظام لا يحمي الأقليات بل يحتمي بها. ما يحمي الأقليات هو نفسه ما يحمي الأكثرية أي المساواة القانونية والعدالة الاجتماعية والحريات العامة. النظام اعتمد الطائفية دوما أداة في الحكم وخلف أزمة ثقة وطنية متعددة المستويات (بين العرب والكرد العلاقة تجمع بين الخوف من طرف والارتياب من طرف، وذلك بين السلمين والمسحيين، وبين السنيين والعلويين….ـ هذه ليست طبائع أبدية، إنها صناعة سياسة حديثة)، وأشاع مناخا دائما من الحرب الباردة في البلد. هل تكون أية أقليات بخير حين تكون ألأكثرية مهددة وبلا حماية؟
    4- النظام الأسدي ليس دكتاتوريا، وإنما هو نظام عبودية سياسية، تملك السلالة الأسية فيه البلد والسكان وتعاملهم كعبيد، وتقتلهم حين يتمردون. حافظ الأسد ورث حكم الجمهورية لابنه بعد أن قتل عشرات الأأوف في ثمانينات القرن الشعرين واعتقل وعذب وعشرات الألوف. وميز طائفيا بين السكان، ووضع ذوي قرباه والمنحدرين من طائفته في المواقع المقررة أمنيا وعسكريا.
    أما ان المعارضة ارتكبت المذابح وليس النظام فهذا إهانة للحقيقة وللضحايا…. وكذب حقير. الأمم المتحدة وثقت مذبحة الحولة وهيومان راتس ووتش وثقت قصف طوابير الخبز بالطائرات في آب 2012، وواضح من تقرير خبراء لأمم المتحدة من ارتكب المذبحة الكيماوية وإن لم تجر تسميته. والا أحد غير النظام يقصف بلبراميل المفجرة وبوصاريخ سكود وبالطيران… ليس لدى المعاضة طائرات، وأميركا الامبريالية و”صديقة الشعب السوري” منعت مرارا وتكرارا ليس توريد مضادات للطيران الأسدي، بل حتى مضادات دروع فعالة. والنظام اليوم لا يتعرض لداعش ويسره أنها تشاركه في مواجهة الجيش الحر والمجموعات الأسلامية الأقل تطرفا

    This is what Burhan Mousa Agha has to say about the “social inclusiveness” of the Syrian regime and its “anti-Zionist” agenda. He is originally from Homs and he previously served in the Syrian Arab Army. At the moment,

    “As a soldier who served in the Asadist army before the outbreak of the great Syrian revolution, I saw with my own eyes the hidden extent of the “Mumana’a (Objection Front)” promoted by the Asad regime (referring to the term used by the Syrian government to label the axis of those countries rejecting a normalization with Israel). The Israeli balloons were filming all the equipments and the military machines located in the military zones on the frontline without a single move from the officers of the “Mumana’a” army.
    In the beginning of the uprising, a demonstration against the Asadist regime broke out in the village of Tel al-Faras on the Syrian soil occupied by Israel and the Syrian army suppressed it under the request of the Israeli Defense Force, under the eyes of the Israeli soldiers.
    With regards to the “social inclusiveness” of the Asad regime, you just have to ask 20 million Syrians about the subordination, the (political) leaning and the sects of the security branches’ employees and, through a simple questionnaire, you’ll find yourself in front of the biggest exclusionary system for what concerns the distribution of power.
    With regards to the distribution of wealth among the people: before Asad’s rise to power, the wage of an engineer was equal to 900 Syrian pounds (SYP) and the average price of a gold gram (gg) was 3.5 SYP, that is to say that (his) wage was equal to 257 gg. After 2011 and after the process of development, modernization and distribution of wealth, the salary of an engineer reached 15000 SYP, the gg price 2200 SYP, that is to say that his wage is equal to 6.8 gg, 38 times higher than before.”

    انا كجندي سابق ادى الخدمة العسكرية في جيش نظام اﻻسد قبل اندﻻع الثورة السورية العظيمة شهدت و بأم عيني مدى كمينة الممانعة التي يدعيها نظام اﻻسد كانت البالونات اﻻسرائيلي تقوم بتصوير كل المعدات و الآليات العسكرية في القطع العسكرية المتواجدة عل جبهة دون حراك من ضباط جيش الممانعة و في بداية الثورة قامت مظاهرة ضد نظام اﻻسد في قرية تل الفرس في اﻻراضي السورية المحتلة من قبل اسرائيل فقامت وحدة جيش سوري بقمعها بعض طلب من جيش الدفاع اﻻسرائيلي و تحت انظاره . اما لكون نظام اﻻسد الشامل فما عليك اﻻ بسؤال 20 مليون سوري عن تابعية موظفي افرع المخابرات و ميولهم و طوائفهم و بمجرد القبام باستبيان بسيط لهذا اﻻمر ستجد نفسك امام اكبر نظام اقصائي في توزيع السلطة اما بالنسبة لتوزيع الثروات على كل ابناء الشعب فقبل وصول نظام اﻻسد للحكم كان راتب المهندس في سورية 900 ليرة سورية و معدل غرام الذهب 3.5 ليرة اي ان الراتب يعادل 257 غرام من الذهب اما فبعد عام 2011 و بعد مسيرة التطوير والتحديث و توزيع الثروات اصبح راتب المهندس 15000 ومعدل
    غرام الذهب 2200 اي ان الراتب يعادل 6.8 غرام ذهب يعني 38 ضعف تقريبا

    May 25, 2014

  4. Andrea Glioti

    And here’s a summary of the article written above in Arabic

    http://www.eltelegraph.com/?p=29465

  5. Terrific article Andrea. I have sent it to my blog, with my own introduction:

    “This is a wonderful article by Andrea Glioti, and should be distributed widely. At the same time, I say this a little sadly, as I want to give some information about Dr Tim Anderson who Glioti criticises here. The word “reluctant” in my title refers to my own reluctance, clearly not to Glioti’s
    Full: http://mkaradjis.wordpress.com/2014/06/22/146/

  6. 674537

    very nice work
    all the best wishes to you!

  7. Andrea Glioti

    Thanks for taking your time to read it and express your views about it.

    Dear Mr Karadjis,

    I’m glad you appreciated my post, particularly because you worked before with Dr. Anderson and the legitimate struggle against imperialism (which I totally agree with) didn’t affect your views on an equally legitimate popular uprising such as the Syrian one. I also went through your introduction to the figure of Dr. Anderson: I am partially familiar with his political background and I respect it. However, in my opinion, this makes his case even worse on Syria, because you would expect him (and several other so-called “leftist” intellectuals) to refrain from siding with a tyrant.

    Email me if you around the Sydney Uni campus one of these days, it would be great to catch up and exchange views.

    Best

    Andrea

  8. Andrea Glioti

    One more comment I received from Sara Verderi, an independent researcher and translator with a degree in Arabic Language and Literature, who witnessed the first months of the uprising in Syria in 2011.

    “Well grounded and full-embracing account . Given my located position outside Stria I have choosen not to write about the ognoing war of the Asads to Syrian people. As for 2011 we all had the chance to come across to a genuine revolution.. Certainly, being part of that expereince allowed us to overcome some historical dogmas of leftist political theory – such as those exemplified by Tim Anderson speech – because our theory of the revolution was endeavoured in the poltical practice enacted by the revolutionaries. That might be useful also to grasp the rupture between our perspective and that of some Italian comrades…”

  9. Andrea Glioti

    ِBy the way….an important statement of the Movement of the Comrade Anis ‘Imara (Syrian Communist Party- Syrian Communist Coordination Committees) with regards to the Syrian Palestinian revolutionaries who are still detained in Asad’s prison despite the recently announced amnesty. The statement touches on several key issues, such as the hypocrisy of “anti-imperialists” and the interests served by the new “global terror threat” posed by ISIS…

    http://goo.gl/VDm0Ib

    عن ” المقاومة ” و ” الشيَاطين ” , دام ظلّكُم …. كلّكُم !

    حركة الرفيق أنس عمارة , و الحزب الشيوعي السوري ( تنسيقيات الشيوعيين السوريين ) .
    سوريا 17/6/2014 .

    سنوات أربع و لا يزال المعتقلون من اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في سوريا من نشطاء الثورة السّلميّين لا غير , قابعين في سجون النظام الديكتاتوري السوري منذ بداية الثورة الشعبية فيها ربيع 2011 , شأنهم في ذلك شأن نظرائهم من السوريين , و حملات الاعتقال و التصفية داخل تلك المعتقلات لا تتوقّف .. و نظام ” المقاومة و الممانعة ” و حلفائه هذا يستمرّ و يصعّد في سياساته الوحشيّة بحقّ الثائرين عليه في كل سوريا , بما فيها مخيّمات اللاجئين الفلسطينين يوسع بيوت المدنيين العزل فيها قصفاً بصواريخ الأرض _ أرض و بالطيران الحربي يقتل و يهجّر و يدمّر عشوائيّاً ؛ و الوطنيون العلمانيون و اليساريون بصفة خاصّة هُم أوّل أهدافه ( مع أنّه يواجه الإرهاب الأصولي وفق روايته الرّسميّة ! ) , فيما يحتفظ بالباقيين كرهائن رغم إصداره مرسوم ” عفو عام ” رئاسي عنهم .. كلّ هذا يتمّ ” طبعاً ” في سبيل قضيّة أكبر : ” تحرير فلسطين و مقدّسات الأمّة فيها ” .. ليأتي اليوم القول ( العلني الرسمي ) الفصل , و طهران قطب محور ” المقاومة و الممانعة ” تُعلِن تحالفاً مع الغرب و حكومة الولايات المتحدة الأميريكيّة ( ” الشيطان الأكبر ” سابقاً , و الراعي الرسمي لدولة الاحتلال “اسرائيل ” ! ) , أن هدفهم المشترك اليوم في منطقتنا العربية و العالم , هو مكافحة التطرّف الديني و إرهاب جماعات الجهادية التكفيرية ؛ في تزييف سافر للوعي و للواقع معاً , جوهره ” شيطنة ” ثورة عدالة و حريّات و سيادة تشهدها سوريا و بعض دول المنطقة لتبرّر سحقها , أو حرفها و إفراغها من مضامينها الوطنية الحداثية و الاجتماعية , في الحد الأدنى .. فيما عين حكّام طهران ترقب نتائج مفاوضاتهم مع الغرب حول برنامج إيران النووي , و الأخرى على موضوع العقوبات الاقتصادية , و مؤشّر إنتاج و أسعار النفط و الغاز في الأسواق العالميّة , تساوم هنا و تعقد ” الصفقات ” هناك على حساب حقوقنا و دمائنا , مستغلّة فرصة ” الانسحاب ” الأميريكي من المنطقة , و انشغال الروس ( قليلاً ) بأوضاعهم الداخليّة و قضايا جوارهم المباشر الساخنة !

    هو حق كلام حق يُراد به باطل إذاً , و أمين عام الأمم المتحدة ( بان كي مون ) يحسم الجدل اليوم بعد طول مماطلة : ” إن الأنظمة الديكتاتورية الحاكمة في العراق و دول المنطقة , هي ما تدفع باتجاه التطرّف و الإرهاب ” , فماذا يمكن أن يُقال بعد هذا !

    يبقى أن نسأل اليوم من لا يزال يساند هذه الأنظمة الديكتاتورية العربية الفاشلة , تحت عناوين ” المقاومة و الممانعة , و تحرير فلسطين , و مواجهة الإمبرياليّة …الخ ” المزيّفة , و أوّلهم قيادة السّلطة و فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية , و الأحزاب القوميّة و اليسار عندنا و حول العالم , و ” نخِب ” الارتزاق أو ” الرّثاثة ” كلّهم و أوّلاً :

    هل يملك هؤلاء التكفيريّون ( و أعدادهم لا تتجاوز بضعة عشرات آلاف لا غير في كامل منطقتنا العربية ) جيوشاً جرّارة تُعد بمئات الآلاف مجهزة بأحدث أنواع الأسلحة التي تمتلكها هذه الديكتاتوريّات , بل و السلاح النووي و الكيميائي و الإمكانيّات الماديّة و التقنية الهائلة التي تمتلكها ( اسرائيل ) و تهدّد بها أمن المنطقة و الإقليم , هي المحتلّة لأرضنا ( وفق قرارات الشرعية ذاتها ) , و التي هجّرت ملايين الفلسطينيين ( و السوريّين ) الفقراء في سوادهم الأعظم , و لا تزال تمعن فيهم بطشاً و اعتقالاً و تهجيراً و حصارأً , و إعادة اجتياح للضفّة الغربيّة تتمّ اليوم وسط انشغال العالم ب ” مكافحة الإرهاب ” ؛ لتصبح هذه جماعات هي ( الشيطان الأكبر ) , دون ( شياطين ) أُخرى صنَعتها و سلّحتها و غذّتها بفسادها و استبدادها و سياساتها الناهبة المتوحّشة العنصريّة في منطقتنا و العالم , ممّن حافظوا على دولة الاحتلال الصهيوني علانيةً أو من وراء حُجُب على مدى عقود طويلة ؛ ليتحوّل هذا ” المحوَر ” و في الجزء العربي منه , إلى ساحة ” حرب أخوة ” عبثيّة مفتوحة على كل الاحتمالات , و دول فاشلة أو على وشك , لا يزهر فيها إلاّ الموت و الفقر و التهميش و قمع الحريّات و المزيد من الإلحاق و التبعيّة , و دون أن ينجح ” محورنا ” العزيز هذا في تحرير شبر واحد من الأرض المحتّلة التي جوّعونا و أذلّونا و دقّوا في سبيلها ” الطبول ” عقوداً , في محور الدم و الدمار الاغتيالات السياسيّة و السيارات المُفخّخة اليوميّة العظيم هذا … فأين قضية فلسطين و شعبها و العودة و اللاجئيين الفقراء الذين قامت المقاومة على أكتاف تضحياتهم هُم أوّلاً , على ” أجندات ” كل هؤلاء اليوم ؟! بل أين القضية الاجتماعية و الحقوقيّة التي هي في صلب المشروع الوطني الحداثي , و مشرع اليسار .. و هل يُقارَن إرهاب دول و أنظمة حكم , بإرهاب حفنة من ” الميليشيات ” لا غير , جُلّ عناصرها شباب عاطل عن العمل يائس أو مُضلّل يُجنّد في معاقل الرأسماليّة ذاتها في الغرب باسم ” الله , و الخلافة و التمكين ” , ليتّم تصديرهم عبر وكلائهم ” الرّسميّين ” الحصريين في منطقتنا و دول الجنوب , و حيث تشاء المصالح الضيّقة ل ” مافيات ” تجارة السلاح و النفط و الدم , و … الأوطان ؟!!

    هدف ” محورهم ” اليوم إذاً هو مواجهة ” إرهاب التكفيريين ” , و بالتحالف مع ( الشيطان الأكبر سابقاً ) , لا فلسطين و المقاومة و مواجهة ” الاستكبار ” العالمي …. و السؤال اليوم برسمكُم , دام ظلّكُم …. كلّكُم !

    ( الصورة لمجموعة نشطاء سلميين يساريين فلسطينيين , معتقلون لغاية الآن و مجهولو العناوين و المصير منذ أكثر من عام , في سجون النظام الديكتاتوري السوري … الحرية لرفاقنا و لجميع المعتقلين و الأسرى . )

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s

Blog at WordPress.com.

Exiled Razaniyyat

Personal observations of myself, others, states and exile.

Diario di Siria

Blog di Asmae Dachan "Scrivere per riscoprire il valore della vita umana"

YALLA SOURIYA

Update on Syria revolution -The other side of the coin ignored by the main stream news

ZANZANAGLOB

Sguardi Globali da una Finestra di Cucina al Ticinese

Salim Salamah's Blog

Stories & Tales about Syria and Tomorrow

invisiblearabs

Views on anthropological, social and political affairs in the Middle East

tabsir.net

Views on anthropological, social and political affairs in the Middle East

SiriaLibano

"... chi parte per Beirut e ha in tasca un miliardo..."

Tutto in 30 secondi

appunti e note sul mondo islamico contemporaneo

Anna Vanzan

Views on anthropological, social and political affairs in the Middle East

letturearabe di Jolanda Guardi

Ho sempre immaginato che il Paradiso fosse una sorta di biblioteca (J. L. Borges)

%d bloggers like this: